
Throughout most of the nuclear age, specialists in international security worried most about three scenarios under which a nuclear war between major nuclear powers might begin: (1) a nuclear nation achieves a huge advantage over its nuclear adversary, and its leaders decide to launch a preemptive nuclear strike to destroy all the weaker state’s nuclear arsenal, without fear of a catastrophic response; (2) the leader of a nuclear state becomes irrational and, in some sort of delusionary state, launches the nuclear weapons under his command; and (3) a series of accidents involving nuclear weapons (for example, faulty radar which mistakes geese for incoming missiles) results in a nuclear launch. During the Cold War, enormous efforts were made by both
Toward that end they: (1) sought to achieve and maintain a rough parity in their nuclear capabilities; (2) built many safeguards into the launch procedures of the U.S. and USSR, in order to help prevent an irrational leader from initiating a nuclear holocaust in a fit of paranoia, rage or another irrational state of mind; and (3) the surveillance technology became highly sophisticated, with multiple, independent checking capabilities, in an effort to prevent accidental or mistaken assessments of one another’s actions. The underlying assumption all along was: rationality, augmented with sophisticated technology can, in fact, save us from nuclear catastrophe.
Robert McNamara learns from Fidel Castro at the January 1992 Havan conference that rationality will not save us, in circumstances such as occurred in the Cuban missile crisis. For in Castro, McNamara confronts a leader who, in October 1962, had no nuclear weapons at all under his control, and only a few dozen in his country, controlled by Soviet forces; who seemed as sober and rational as could be; and who did not fear the onset of a war with the Americans, a war in which, as he says, “we were going to disappear.”
McNamara (along with many others present) is deeply shocked by Castro’s recollection of his state of mind during the peak of the missile crisis. For McNamara knows that
[A discussion between Robert McNamara and Fidel Castro, at a January 1992 conference of Cuban, U.S. and Soviet policymakers, and scholars of the Cuban missile crisis.]
Robert McNamara: Mr. President [addressing Fidel Castro] … I, as one of the participants in the crisis, want to congratulate you on the candor and thoughtfulness with which you [have] expressed your understanding of events as they evolved. It is with particular reference to one of those circumstances, which I was unaware of until this meeting, that I wish to put a question.
…[T]he Soviet Union anticipated the possibility of a large-scale
…My question to you, sir, is this: Were you aware that the Soviet forces (a) were equipped with [short-range] Luna launchers and nuclear warheads; and (b) –something I never could have conceived of– that because the Soviets were concerned about the ability of the Soviet troops and the Cuban troops to repel the possible U.S. invasion using conventional arms, the Soviets authorized the field commanders in Cuba, without further consultation with the Soviet Union –which of course would have been very difficult because of communication problems– to utilize those nuclear launchers and nuclear warheads?; (a) Were you aware of it? (b) what was your interpretation or expectation of the possible effect on
Fidel Castro: Now, we started from the assumption that if there was an invasion of
You want me to give you my opinion in the event of an invasion with all the troops, with 1,190 sorties? Would I have agreed to the use of nuclear weapons? Yes, I would have agreed to the use of nuclear weapons. Because, in any case, we took it for granted that it would become a nuclear war anyway, and that we were going to disappear. Before having the country occupied –totally occupied– we were ready to die in defense of our country. I would have agreed, in the event of the invasion you are talking about, with the use of nuclear weapons…
I wish we had had the nuclear weapons. It would have been wonderful. We wouldn’t have rushed to use them, you can be sure of that. The closer to
Robert McNamara and Fidel Castro find common ground in the principal lesson each draws from the Cuban missile crisis: that nuclear weapons should be eliminated as soon as is safely possible. But they draw the lesson for different reasons, reflecting their respective roles as representatives of a rich superpower and a small, relatively weak and poor country. Without nuclear weapons, as McNamara points out in “The Fog of War”, fallible human beings will be unable to destroy entire nations, perhaps even the human race itself, as it seems almost to have done in October 1962. This is his principal motive in advocating the elimination of nuclear weapons by any credible and verifiable means: to prevent nuclear powers from destroying themselves and human civilization as well.
Castro, on the other hand, responds to McNamara’s endorsement of a nonnuclear world by reminding him that “the use of nuclear weapons is a desperate act”. The implication is that the behavior of great powers like the




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